This article was published by Al Jazeera International.
Eurozone extends debt repayment, but strict supervision
on spending and reforms will remain for 40 years
Greece will officially graduate from eight years of financial
dependence on its Eurozone partners in August, the currency bloc’s finance
ministers announced late on Thursday, as they cleared the country to borrow
from markets again.
“This is not an ordinary moment. This is a magnificent moment,” said European Finance Commissioner Pierre Moscovici. “The Greek crisis ends here in Luxembourg tonight. This has been a long road… We’re talking about eight years of efforts coming to a close for Greece, and it is an important moment for the Eurozone, too. We’re seeing an end to a crisis that had threatened our common currency.”
He said Friday’s decision would “allow Greece to get back on its feet.”
“The creditworthiness of the entire Eurozone was under threat,” reminisced Klaus Regling, head of the European Stability Mechanism, Greece’s biggest creditor, in reference to crises in 2012 and 2015. “Greece came very close to leaving the Eurozone… which would have had tremendous consequences not only for Greece but also the entire Eurozone.”
The
Eurogroup will also grant Greece a 10-year extension on repayment of its first
bailout loan, agreed in 2010. It will now be repaid by 2033. Earlier debt
relief measures had addressed the second and third loans.
“The
maturity extension will help Greece return to markets,” said Mario Centeno,
Eurogroup president. It is hoped that the extension will render the Greek debt
sustainable, attracting investors back to the country and satisfying a core
demand of the Syriza government.
Greece will
also receive the balance of its third loan as a lump sum from the European
Stability Mechanism, the sovereign distress fund the Eurozone created to bail
out governments.
“We have ordered the ESM to disburse 15bn euros as the last
instalment of the programme,” Centeno said. “In total, Greece will depart the
programme with a 24.1bn euro buffer for the next 22 months. This will be a very
important measure to face whatever danger may arise.”
In theory
that money is only for emergencies; Greece has committed to setting aside an
annual sum equal to 3.5 percent of its economy for the next five years – that
means 6.3bn euros next year – to repay loans. After 2022, it will still have to
permanently set aside an average of 2.2 percent of GDP – an undertaking Centeno
admitted was onerous.
Greece will
not be entirely free to make its own spending decisions, either. It must submit
to strict supervision on the execution of its budgets until 2059, when it is
scheduled to pay off its loan to the European Stability Mechanism. That is what
the ESM, Greece’s supervisor, calls its “early warning system” against
backsliding on Greek promises to control spending. “We will continue to
support Greece and the Greek people to keep it on the right fiscal path,” said
Centeno.
Piraeus University
economist Stratos Papadimitriou is underwhelmed by Greece’s graduation. “It
doesn’t mean a lot. Officially, theoretically, it means we are out of the
programme,” he tells Al Jazeera, “but nevertheless we are under scrutiny. It
doesn’t affect the real economy, which is suffering from these eight years of
austerity and anaemic growth.” Greece’s economy grew by 1.4 percent last year –
its first growth in a decade.
He believes
the biggest problem is the flight of the younger generation, which is shrinking
the tax base and depriving the economy of new businesses.
Athens
University economist Panayotis Petrakis believes that Greek prospects remain
mediocre. “The environment into which we’re emerging, compared to that which
other bailout countries emerged into, is much more demanding and difficult,” Petrakis
tells Al Jazeera.
“There’s
the anticipated rise in interest rates worldwide, there’s the political
unsettlement of Europe, which we saw in Italy and which will develop in
European elections that lie ahead… this more demanding environment demands a
more prosperous and resilient economy, which we never acquired.”
He believes
that Greece’s greatest liability, though, is its polarized political scene. “I
think investors will come to Greece, or not, mainly on the basis of its
internal political situation. If they see a tendency to broaden deficits,
they’ll abandon us. If they see a tendency to adopt structural reforms they
will trust us.”
The Greek catastrophe unfurls
Greece
bankrupted itself by over-borrowing in the years leading up to the financial
crisis of 2008. After the crash, markets no longer had the liquidity to extend
cheap loans, and they began to scrutinize the financial health of borrowers. By
the spring of 2010, investors demanded interest rates of more than six percent
for a 10-year loan to Greece, a rate the country could not afford.
To keep
paying salaries and maintain public services, the government was forced to
accept a loan of 110bn euros from its Eurozone partners and the International
Monetary Fund.
On May 2, the government unveiled the
austerity measures that would accompany the biggest bailout in history. Finance
Minister George Papakonstantinou described them as the most ambitious fiscal
adjustment ever undertaken by a European country. The gambit was to eradicate a
36bn euro deficit over the next three years – equivalent to 15.4 percent of
GDP.
Through a mixture of consumer tax increases and public
sector salary cuts, the government managed to cut the deficit by a third in the
first year of the adjustment programme. It would take many more tax hikes, a
second, 130bn euro loan and two more governments before the budget was
balanced, by the end of 2014.
The arrival of Syriza in 2015 made a third, 86bn euro loan
necessary, because the government spent six months unsuccessfully trying to
convince the Eurozone and IMF to improve the terms on which Greece had to repay
its two first loans. The premium left too little money to restart the economy,
Syriza argued, and the International Monetary Fund agreed. The renewed political
confrontation in the Eurozone convinced investors, who had begun to warm to
Greece in the summer of 2014, to stay away.
It was not just the Greeks who made mistakes. The IMF
admitted, in 2013, that it had underestimated by half the effect that abrupt
public spending cuts would have on the rest of the economy. During its eight
years of austerity measures, Greece lost 27 percent of its economy. The IMF had
argued in 2010 that Greece’s debt should never have been refinanced before
being reduced, because it was unsustainable from the start.
That refinancing cost was huge. Of the 302 billion euros Greece has
borrowed from its Eurozone partners and the International Monetary Fund, only
about five percent - 17bn - entered the economy through government spending.
Twenty-one percent - 62.3bn - has been spent to recapitalize banks, and three
quarters of the money – 222.6bn euros – bought up existing debt and serviced
interest payments.
The human cost of eight years of austerity has been
enormous. Unemployment rose from 8.4 percent at the end of 2008, to 27.8
percent in September 2013, as a third of all businesses went bankrupt. Twenty
percent of the workforce remains jobless.
Salaries have fallen by an average of 15 percent, and that
has meant that Greece regained some competitiveness, boosting exports; but this
has also meant that poverty in
Greece doubled during the crisis to affect 22 percent of the population,
compared to a European average of 7 percent, the OECD revealed in April.
Worst of all,
perhaps, Greece’s population began to shrink during the crisis. Live births
fell as the death rate rose, so that on the basis of reproduction Greece is losing
30,000 people a year. An estimated 45,000 more are leaving for healthier job
markets, meaning that overall, Greece is shrinking by 0.7 percent a year.
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