Two statistics
published this week speak volumes about the heavy yoke Greek private sector
workers labour under.
The first
concerns unpaid taxes. Under Syriza, which came to power in January 2015, these
have soared, but the government keeps breaking its own record.
According to
the Independent
Public Revenue Authority, unpaid taxes for January alone amounted to
€1.63bn. That’s partly because on January 1st a new law took effect
that changes how many Greeks pay for social security. It attempts to make up
for the fact that pension contributions have fallen from €11.5bn in 2009 to
€9.1bn in 2015 due to rising unemployment and falling wages.
Unfortunately,
the new law makes up for this shortfall by overcharging the 3.5mn people left
in the workforce. Until January, salaried Greeks paid a percentage of earnings
and the self-employed - more than a million taxpayers – paid a flat monthly
fee.
As of this year, the self-employed also pay a percentage of earnings for health and pension contributions – 27 percent of gross income, due to rise to 31 percent over three years. Once other expenses have been deducted, income tax of between 22 and 45 percent is calculated on the remainder. For most, this amounts to a sharp increase in social security contributions.
As of this year, the self-employed also pay a percentage of earnings for health and pension contributions – 27 percent of gross income, due to rise to 31 percent over three years. Once other expenses have been deducted, income tax of between 22 and 45 percent is calculated on the remainder. For most, this amounts to a sharp increase in social security contributions.
The staggering
level of taxation is one reason why many young people are leaving the economy,
and even established professionals with client bases are closing their tax
books. The government’s inability to collect has now forced it to twice push
back the January social security contributions deadline from February 28 to
March 17 and March 31.
The state’s
past performance in tax collection does not make inspiring reading, either. Taxpayers
now owe a record €91.78bn, up from €81bn last year, €71bn in 2015 and €60bn in
2014.
Most of that
will never realistically be recovered. Nine billion euros are owed by public
sector companies, which are used to government handouts and easy loans backed
by state guarantees. The culture of non-payment begins at the top. Another €13bn
is owed by private sector companies that have folded. Even the €69.58bn that is
owed by non-bankrupt individuals and companies in the private economy will not
realistically be recovered, since it is difficult for people with little or no
income to pay taxes.
Under pressure
from its creditors, the International Monetary Fund and the eurozone, the
government is moving on the country’s four million offenders: 851,000 are in
the process of having property or deposits confiscated, while twice that number
are in danger of confiscation.
The new figures
are sure to hurt the government’s claim that the austerity measures taken over
the years are enough to produce a primary surplus of 3.5 percent of GDP
demanded by creditors. The IMF believes more measures are needed.
The main reason
Greece’s current review by creditors is such a dragged-out affair is that there
are no easy answers to the question of how to tame Greece’s main expense: its
pensions.
The government
argues that after 13 rounds of cuts, pensions are already low. The chart below,
supplied to The New Athenian by the labour minister on February 20, shows a
breakdown of Greece’s 2.65 million pensioners. A good 58 percent of them earn
under €800 a month before additional benefits.
![]() |
Source: Greek Labour Ministry, Feb. 20 2017 |
The government
also argues that cutting pensions before restoring growth to the economy is
problematic, because studies reveal that pensions are now the principal source
of income for half of Greek households.
The IMF, on the
other hand, argues that the economy will never recover while pensions remain the
government’s biggest budget item, absorbing at least a third of tax revenue.
The government’s
own pensions
bill, brought to parliament last May, revealed staggering social security
costs: notably that fully one half of the Greek debt, some €154bn, had been
incurred by borrowing to pay pensions.
It is little
wonder that the IMF insists on tax relief for businesses, rather than maintaining
high taxes to redistribute the wealth to the poorest. Syriza argues that the
latter will boost consumption and help business. The IMF argues that high taxes
make business globally uncompetitive, and boosting consumption at home without
boosting exports will create another unsustainable economy akin to that of the
1990s.
Earning gap between private and public sectors
persists
The second
heart-sinking statistic of the week was the other big reason for high taxes in
Greece: the income gap between private and public sector workers. It is best
illustrated by the table below: 62 percent of private sector workers net under
€900 a month, whereas 66 percent of public sector workers net between €900 and
€1,800 a month.
![]() |
Source: Kathimerini, March 14 2017 |
Yet those
private sector workers spend a billion euros a month paying the salaries of
their public sector counterparts, making the public payroll the government’s
second-highest budget item.
Neither group
earns good money by European standards, but the figures, which were published
by the Labour
Institute, a think tank, seem to disprove a popular myth of the left, which
Syriza also upholds: that what is suffered by one group is eventually suffered
by the other. The figures rather seem to confirm that privileges earned through
political pressure persist, even if diminished. In other words, the labour
aristocracy Pasok created in the 1980s is still a 700,000-strong voting bloc
capable of swinging elections.
Greece, like
France and Italy, has long been a statist culture and will remain so for the
foreseeable future. This is good in that it provides strong popular support for
socialised medicine and decently funded public education – essential prerequisites
for a secure and civilised society. But it is bad in that it allows a class of party-appointed
ne’er-do-wells to dwell inside the state culture and destroy its value for taxpayer
money. Until political parties realise they must divest themselves of their
appointees, Greece will run the risk of throwing out vitally important state
services provided by hard-working doctors, nurses and teachers at great
personal sacrifice, along with the louts they must carry.
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