This article was published by Al Jazeera International under the title "Greeks on refugee islands feel abandoned by Europe.
Refugees walk on the main street of the tent city at Souda, outside the Venetian fortress, in Chios town |
CHIOS, Greece –
Months after arriving on Chios, Rusde Endris has begun to be afraid. The Syrian
man was recently taking an evening walk with his 18 year-old wife on a patch of
green across the street from town hall. He says two Greek men approached them
and tried to remove her headscarf.
“They had drunk
wine. They were talking in Greek. One was a big, tall man. I only wanted to
protect my wife,” he says showing knife cuts on his back from the attack. “One
of the men punched her in the eye. She was pregnant and she lost the baby after
this,” he says showing a photograph of a Greek hospital report on his cell
phone. The report, stated that one Fatme Endris had had an abortion. “I went to
the police but the police here did nothing because it was Greeks who did this.”
Six months
since the EU-Turkey agreement curbed newly arriving refugees on Greece’s
eastern Aegean islands, sentiment is beginning to turn against them.
Earlier this
month a young Syrian man who calls himself Ali Ali was caught on the wrong side
of an anti-migrant demonstration – another recent phenomenon on the island. “I
was in the park with a friend. Some people hit me and the police arrived and
separated us. One person threw a rock at my chest and someone else hit my foot
with a stick,” he says, showing a bandaged right foot.
Outright
violence is still rare, but some islanders are beginning to demand assimilation.
“I am Muslim. I cover my head. They don’t like this cover. Why?” says Bushra
Asheh, an English teacher whose husband was killed when a suicide bomber
demolished their house in Syria. “When I went to the market, a woman said, ‘Why
do you put this?’” pointing to her hijab. “’It’s not beautiful.’ I said I am
Muslim. She made a face like this,” says Asheh, screwing up her features.
One of the
factors turning islanders against refugees is a spate of petty crimes. “Five
months ago, two fifteen year-old girls had their bags ripped off them just
across the street. One of them was my goddaughter. It was eight pm. Why do
this?” asks Yiorgos Pilioglou, a tyre repair man across the street from one of two
tent cities that have sprung up in Chios town. “At some point things will take
a bad turn… people are afraid.”
“The police
can’t tell me not to go out after ten. I am not going to adjust to the
migrants. They should adjust to me,” fumes Yiorgos Manaras, who runs a sweet
shop nearby.
A few
kilometres outside town, villages surrounding Chios’ government-sponsored
refugee camp complain of home break-ins, missing chickens and dug-up
vegetables. The camp sits in and around a disused aluminium moulding plant
known by its acronym, VIAL.
In the village
of Vavyloi, Apostolos Kambouris says his brother surprised a burglar in his
house. “He took a hundred dollar bill and his wife’s good earrings, then tried
to escape by jumping out of the first storey window. We didn’t see the man but
he was later caught because he broke his leg jumping. He turned out to be an
Algerian.”
“You can’t
explain to old people whose pension has been cut and who struggle to make co-payments
for medicines why others who’ve just arrived on the island as refugees are
being fed for free,” says a baker’s shop assistant who declined to be named. “I
understand that this comes from overseas humanitarian organisations but some
people don’t. Some people here go hungry.”
Turning points
Greeks
scrambled to feed and clothe refugees as they walked through the Balkans last
year. Two events turned that flow into a standing population, altering refugee
politics in Greece.
In February,
Austria, Slovenia, Serbia and Croatia agreed to register refugees at the border
Greece shares with former Yugoslav Macedonia. Overnight, Greece became a buffer
zone between the Turkey and the rest of Europe, and its refugee numbers
climbed.
The turning
point in the frustrations of east Aegean islanders, however, was the EU-Turkey
agreement a month later. Turkey would make an effort to restrain crossings and
readmit those caught on its territorial waters; but those who make it as far as
Greek waters are no longer allowed on the Greek mainland, but confined for the
first 25 days on the islands of Chios, Lesvos, Samos, Kos and Leros.
The idea was to
quickly separate them for either deportation or asylum processing, then release
the latter; but the asylum procedure has been understaffed and inefficient.
Camps built for 7,500 people are already burdened with twice that many, so they
are left unlocked, turning these entire islands into massive holding areas. Many
have been there for six months. “They don’t want to be here, we don’t want them
here. We’ve become a landfill,” says Chios taxi driver Antonis Patsoulas
succinctly.
The difficulty
of waiting has caused three inter-ethnic eruptions in camps. Last April, about
500 Syrians fled VIAL claiming they were being harassed by Afghans. They
occupied Chios’ main port, forcing ferries to dock at another port 40
kilometres away. The disruption to commerce and passenger traffic produced an
angry mob which tried to intimidate the Syrians into leaving, prompting police
to conduct a more orderly evacuation.
Last July,
Pakistani inmates rioted at the processing centre on Leros, ransacking its
offices. They had just been shipped in from Athens and assumed they were being
deported back to Turkey. Islanders formed a posse to help police guard the camp,
and forced volunteer organisations to evacuate. “They said to us, ‘if you don’t
go, you’ll be in trouble,’” says Catharina Kahane, who had worked on the island
for months with her charity, Echo100Plus.
Last week,
inter-ethnic tensions caused the largest riot to date at the Moria camp on
Lesvos, destroying two thirds of it and leaving two thousand people without
shelter.
Where is the EU?
The insecurity
of islanders is now metastasizing into political opposition. Chios’ mayor
Manolis Vournous initially supported a government plan to spend €3.7mn building
a second, large camp at a disused landfill site, which would enable him to shut
down the two tent cities in town. He is now careful to accommodate those who
want refugees off Chios altogether.
“Let’s say we
find space for another thousand people. What will happen when you get a
thousand and one?” Vournous says. “We haven’t seen the EU say, ‘I can see
you’re under pressure, I can see you’re carrying a great burden on behalf of
the EU, but I’m here to support you to recover as a society.’”
Vournous is
indignant at the lack of EU support. “I am carrying out its policy to prevent
Germany, Italy, Austria, Hungary and Spain from flooding with people. And the
EU isn’t even providing enough money for that; but I would also expect it to
help me develop the economy, to show that we won’t always be a frontier post;
but it has no wish to do this.”
The people of
Chios are so frustrated with their role as European Union frontier, some are
thinking of seceding. During a five-hour session of the city council last week,
one attendant suggested declaring Chios a city-state. Another suggested a
referendum on whether refugees should be allowed to spend more than 72 hours on
the island. A vocal opposition now holds regular demonstrations demanding the
closure of all refugee camps and the shipping of refugees to the Greek
mainland.
Even the
regional government is now against building more infrastructure. “Northern
Aegean islands’ capacity for refugees is defined by the hotspots they now
have,” says Christiana Kalogirou, North Aegean Prefect. “The Aegean cannot by
itself bear the burden of the problem.”
Kalogirou
blames the European Asylum Support Office, EASO, which was meant to send hundreds
of caseworkers to Greece in the wake of the deal with Turkey. So far it has
sent a few dozen, of whom just 20 are on the islands.
“The fact that
Europe hasn’t pursued this staffing as it should… has created the difficult
conditions on the islands,” says Kalogirou. She estimates that 70 cases a day
are added to a backlog now standing at 9,000.
EASO
spokesman Jean-Pierre Schembri says his agency relies on the staff EU members
volunteer. “On September 2nd we issued a co-ordinated call for
100 staff to be deployed on the islands … We’re still far away from it. We’re
still making repeated appeals.” a European Commission report on Wednesday said
EASO was 59 Europe is addressing a backlog of 1.1 million asylum applications
from last year, and member states say caseworkers cannot be spared.
The
lack of staff has led to an open quarrel over asylum process. German Chancellor
Angela Merkel's spokesman Stefan Seibert on Wednesday chastised Greece for
being too slow to send rejected asylum applicants back to Turkey. But a Greek
asylum official tells Al Jazeera that EASO is exclusively responsible for the
first winnowing of refugees.
"Greece
has no role in accepting or rejecting nominations," says the official.
"It is obvious that if experts do not have the requisite experience, the
quality of their work will be poor and the procedure will be vulnerable to
litigation and unfair to the asylum seekers."
The
official also says that asylum authorities are wary of deporting applicants
because "No EU member state has recognized Turkey as a safe third country
so far."
The
result of all these shortcomings is social tension on the islands.
Chios journalist
Yiannis Stevis believes the far right minority will make its presence
increasingly felt, as legitimate authority fails to live up to its task. He
believes the harassment of refugees who occupied the port in April was a
watershed moment for Chios.
“It was a
catalyst for the change in public opinion. It sanctioned the far right elements
to have a say in what will happen in the city. I don’t deny them their
opinions, but they are a minority; they cannot determine developments, which is
what they did that night.”
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