This article was published by Al Jazeera International.
The Facebook
messages are desperate: “We are in the street. Sitting on earth. There is no
place to sleep. I wish you come. When will you come here?”
Phoebe Ramsay, the Canadian volunteer receiving
these messages, was on her way to help Sham, Doha and Wisam, three Syrian
sisters whom she had helped on the island of Leros days before.
Mainland Greece
is filling up with refugees so fast, that Ramsay had taken a
government-chartered ferry to Athens along with refugees. She was planning to
drive to the northern Greek border, hoping to find her charges somewhere on the
way. Not even they knew where they were.
The gradual but
deepening restrictions on the movement of refugees and migrants through the
Western Balkans is now bottling them up in Greece. Earlier this year, authorities
in former Yugoslav Macedonia said they would only allow Syrians, Iraqis and
Afghans through. Last week, they took Afghans off the list.
As dysfunction
over how to deal with refugees mounts within the European Union, officials are
beginning to admit that Greece will become a de facto repository.
“Greece needs to get prepared for a higher number of people not being
able to move further,” said the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
Filippo Grandi, speaking in Athens earlier in the week. He was critical of the
restrictions, some of which, he said, “go even against European Union rules and
regulations and certainly basic refugee protection norms.”
The latest restrictions came on February 17, when Austria announced that it would place a daily limit
of 3,200 people entering its territory, and accept no more than 80 new asylum
applications per day. Slovenia, to its south, followed suit.
Greece’s
migration minister, Yannis Mouzalas, has been warning since the beginning of
the year that the former Yugoslav Macedonian border will ultimately close. “The
government is preparing for this eventuality,” he told Greece’s Mega TV on
February 8. Two days later he attempted to soothe public opinion. “It’s adifficulty we can manage,” he said. “We’re not going to have this tragic
phenomenon of millions being trapped here, that people are discussing. It’s
going to be tens of thousands. I’d say 50,000 is a fair guess. If we’re ready
and clear-eyed about what’s going on, it’s a number that the Greek people can
handle.”
In an attempt
to avoid crowds at the border, police have stalled convoys of coaches on the
way, but this has created new problems. On Thursday a group of Syrians,
frustrated with waiting, pushed through a police blockade at Tempi, in northern
Greece.
Further south,
in Katerini, a local grassroots group mobilised to bring food and water to some
300 distressed people parked for a day at a motorway services site. Similar
delays all along the motorway from Athens to the border have kept people on
buses for up to three days, according to volunteers speeding to help them.
Further south
still, in the town of Volos, a bus driver apparently abandoned 60 passengers
who had paid to go to the border. “The bus driver just dropped them off and
left,” says Ramsay.
All three of
Athens’ refugee camps have been packed to bursting point. The government has
held passenger ferries it charters to bring in new arrivals on the islands of
the east Aegean in port until Sunday, to give the camps a chance to empty.
Some are left
stranded at the port of Peiraieus, where Greek volunteers have set up a shelter
in a passenger terminal. Women put out washing on makeshift clotheslines. Boys
play football on the sprawling tarmac in front of the building. A mish-mash of
international volunteer groups takes turns cooking lunch for the refugees. On
Friday it was the turn of a Korean outfit called The Supreme Master Ching Hai
Disaster Relief Team. Their slogan was, “Be vegan; make peace.”
But peace was
the last thing on refugees’ minds. Among the 300-odd people at the terminal was
Samer Mersal, a surgeon’s assistant who managed an ophthalmological operating
theatre in Damascus. He fled after his apartment building was demolished by a government
Katyusha rocket.
Two of Mersal’s
brothers have died in prison after being picked up by President Bashar al
Assad’s police, and a third is missing. Asked why they were arrested, Mersal is
passionate. “Where you live! The reason [is] where you live. Not what you do,
what you think. Just where you live. You live in a place where there is Al
Nusra, there is Da’esh, there is Free Syrian Army, you have problem. They take
you to prison and only God knows where you are, only God and them.”
Yusuf, a slim 21 year-old with fine
features and a thin beard circling his jawbone, just wanted to graduate from Mosul
high school in Iraq, now under ISIL control. "There was no school for two
years because of the war," he explains. His sister, whom ISIL tried to
recruit as a bride, accompanied him.
Unsurprisingly,
many are impatient to move on while the border remains open. On Friday morning,
two dozen men announced that they were going to take their families and march
them to the Macedonian border. Volunteers persuaded them that they were better off
waiting in Peiraieus for a couple more days.
Failure of European policy
The war in Syria may be the primary cause of the chaos that is engulfing
Greece, but
European policy failures are responsible for the extent of Greece’s
isolation.
The UNHCR’s Grandi is critical of the lack
of solidarity shown to Greece by other European Union members. “Europe, the European Union in particular, which took what I believe were
good decisions last year on how to handle this flow... is not implementing
those decisions, and in particular the very important decision taken many
months ago that refugees arriving in countries at the border of Europe... would
be assisted, would be supported by the EU in its entirety through a relocation
of refugees across the different countries of Europe.”
In September,
the EU pledged to take 66,000 asylum-seekers off Greece’s hands in 2015-16. So
far, a thousand have been relocated.
On Thursday,
Greece withdrew its ambassador to Vienna, after Austria called a regional
meeting with Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia to discuss the
refugee crisis. Greek foreign minister Nikos Kotzias called Austria’s move an
“unfriendly gesture, since it creates the impression that certain people wish
to take decisions in our absence, which directly involve us.” The so-called
Vysegrad group of four countries has spearheaded resistance within the EU to refugee
policies such as relocation and the preservation of open borders.
Mouzalas is
openly concerned about what he calls “unilateralism” within the EU, and the
failure to quash it in previous European council meetings. “Although [other EU
members] lampooned unilateralism, they said, ‘we understand the circumstances
which led these countries [Hungary, Austria, Slovenia, the Czech Republic] to
it.’ This in my view should worry us… because it should not be understandable
that someone fights against European policy and undermines it.”
The signs are,
however, that eastern EU states are preparing for a total isolation of Greece. On
February 18, Austria’s chief of police met with counterparts from Serbia,
Croatia, Slovenia and former Yugoslav Macedonia. They agreed to jointly profile
refugees and asylum-seekers at the Greek-Macedonian border, effectively
creating an alternative to the Eurodac fingerprint and identity database Greece
shares with the rest of the European Union. Once that is in place, the Greek
border can essentially be treated as an external EU border.
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