This article was published by Al Jazeera International.
“Will you vote
Yes or No to austerity?” I asked the kiosk owner.
He held up his
two middle fingers. “Either way,” he replied, “the result will be the same.”
That gesture broadly
summarised Greeks’ view of their future as they headed into a referendum last
Sunday that delivered a resounding No vote to further austerity.
Although four
out of five Greeks were polled as wanting to stay in the Eurozone days ahead of
the referendum, three out of five voted against the austerity measures that
would ensure that; and one in two didn’t even believe a No vote would make any
difference.
“It was a very
smart move by whoever wanted to corner [German Chancellor Angela] Merkel,” says
George Kintis, who heads up a private equity firm called Alcimos.
The ruling
leftwing Syriza party, which called the referendum, hailed it as a victory. “We
proved that even in the direst of times, democracy cannot be held to ransom,
but remains a supreme value and means of resolution,” said Prime Minister
Alexis Tsipras.
But has the No
vote helped shape a better deal for Greece?
Contrary to the
defiance expressed by the people, the Greek government’s actions suggest that
it is now scrambling to secure a deal by Sunday – a deadline European leaders
have referred to as “final”.
Greece’s new
finance minister, Euclid Tsakalotos, promises “to immediately implement a set
of measures as early as the beginning of next week.” Those include tax reforms
and pension reform, alluding to $1.5bn of consumer tax increases and pension
spending cuts, which formed the core of the plan Greek voters rejected.
In a letter to
his principal creditors, the European Commission, the European Central Bank and
the International Monetary Fund, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras had capitulated
to most of the provisions in the plan five days before the referendum.
On Thursday,
Greek media leaked a new Greek proposal containing up to 12bn euros in
austerity measures – more than any proposal so far this year. According to the
leaks, the government has surrendered to a 23 percent VAT tax for restaurants,
transport and most food products and agreed to end early retirement immediately.
These were all concessions Syriza fought against hard.
Bank closure suffocates the economy
What makes a
deal urgent for Greece is the closure of banks. Greek banks on Thursday said
their doors would remain closed and capital controls in place until 13 July - fully
a two-week period since they began.
That closure is
slowly killing the economy. “Food and medicine imports are now being rationed,”
says Konstantinos Mihalos, president of the Athens Chamber of Commerce, who
owns a meat importing business. “There is no set level; it’s on a case-by-case
basis. But the biggest problem is in the supply of meat and flour.”
The banking
association had previously said its banks would run out of money last Monday.
“The extra liquidity came from a few hundred million in Emergency Liquidity
Assistance money we had asked the banking system to hold in reserve when
capital controls were first announced,” says Mihalos. “But even that won’t last
forever. At some point, some ATMs will begin to run out.”
Some
multinational drugmakers have begun to reduce their supply of medicines to
Greece since capital controls came into force, says the Hellenic Association of
Medicine Wholesalers, despite the fact that wholesalers pay cash up front for
their orders.
“Drugmakers are
in some cases substantially reducing our orders to them,” says Eirini Markaki,
president of the Association. “And three companies in particular are doing this
to a dramatic degree.”
A letter from
the Association, seen by Al Jazeera, says that “Astra-Zeneca, Janssen-Cilag and
Novartis, imparticular, are contravening Greek and European law by horizontally
reducing the quantities of medicines they are delivering to Greek wholesalers.”
The result, it says, is a “disruption in the smooth supply of the market” and “the
creation of dysfunctions”.
Internal trade
is also suffering as capital controls kill consumption. “If liquidity flow is
not restored urgently, then the explosion of unemployment will be dramatic,”
warns Vasilis Korkidis, president of the Hellenic Federation of Commerce &
Entrepreneurship.
Capital controls
are hardest on businesses and institutions. For charities like Hamogelo, which runs foster homes for
365 abandoned children, it is potentially ruinous.
“We have food
until the end of August,” says Hamogelo’s public relations officer, Panayotis
Pardalis. “Our big problem is liquidity. We’re trying to open up overseas bank
accounts in countries where there are large Greek communities, and to mobilise
them to help us. Right now, it’s a question of survival.”
The bank
closure has not only prevented Hamogelo from drawing on its accounts. It has
also frozen donations. Hamogelo cannot make the July payroll for some 400
employees, including the psychologists, social workers and special needs
teachers who run its homes.
“It’s as though
someone is holding our head under water,” says founder Kostas Yiannopoulos.
“What can we cut? The kids we’re funding through college? The foster homes
where we’re raising kids?”
Hamogelo also
runs national help lines for distressed families, an ambulance service and an
outreach programme that provides food and medicine to thousands of families.
Capital
controls began on June 28, after the European Central Bank announced that it
would freeze further disbursements of Emergency Liquidity Assistance to Greek
banks. This has been their only source of cash since 2012.
Kintis, a
former banker, believes the ECB acted “beyond the powers conferred upon it” for
political reasons – to put pressure on the Greek government to comply with a
new austerity package. His private equity firm, Alcimos, filed a lawsuit
against the ECB in the European Court.
The ECB can
refuse a request for ELA if the institution it is insolvent, says Kintis.
“Greek banks cannot be both solvent and insolvent at the same time,” he says.
The broader
problem, says Kintis, is an economic worldview that prevents Germany from
allowing the Greeks longer to repay their debt – which would amount to a
haircut, because inflation would consume much of the debt’s value.
“For Germans,
loose monetary or fiscal policy results in recession… The tug of war is between
the US and Germany. The US and International Monetary Fund are pushing for a
haircut [of Greek debt], which is a fiscal transfer from the north to the
south.”
Six months ago,
the conservative government fell from power after it was revealed that
then-finance minister Gikas Hardouvelis was discussing additional austerity
measures worth a billion euros. With the economy in recession, a stricken
banking system, no deal on debt restructuring and a 12bn euro austerity
package, Syriza will be hard pressed to claim a victory on Sunday.
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