This article was published by Al Jazeera.
The late night acquittal of journalist Kostas Vaxevanis was met with an eruption of applause in courtroom number one, building two, of the Athens judicial compound. “The court has found you innocent,” was all the judge had time to say.
The late night acquittal of journalist Kostas Vaxevanis was met with an eruption of applause in courtroom number one, building two, of the Athens judicial compound. “The court has found you innocent,” was all the judge had time to say.
Vaxevanis had faced a year in prison and a 30,000 euro fine
for allegedly breaching Greek privacy law. His offence was to publish the names
of what purports to be the infamous Lagarde List, a spreadsheet of more than
2,000 Greeks with Swiss bank accounts who might warrant investigation as tax
evaders. It is named after the former French finance minister, now IMF chief,
who handed it to her Greek counterpart, Yiorgos Papakonstantinou, in 2010.
Moments later he told Al Jazeera, “A junior court judge had
the courage to go against the prosecutor's office which created all the fuss in
the first place, to listen to society, to see the results of all this activity
surrounding the revelation of the list and of course to see the truth.”
Vaxevanis’ arrest last Sunday was the latest in a series of
events that seemed to suggest that Greece may be losing its press freedom as
the country’s economic situation becomes desperate. Days earlier, two state
television presenters were suspended for discussing on air whether the public
order minister should resign, following the alleged beating of anti-racism
protesters in a police station. A fortnight earlier, the head of Greece’s
official news agency, AMNA, was removed before the end of his term. In a press
release he claimed that it was partly because he refused to suppress a story
about the Lagarde List.
One defence witness smarted at being asked whether Vaxevanis
was right to publish. “It is a pillar of journalism that you don’t suppress
information,” said Abelkrim Bumelha, president of the London-based
International Federation of Journalists. “I deal with this question in the
Congo, in Gambia, not here, in the mother of democracy.” He called the case
“absurd”.
The government has direct influence on appointments in
state-controlled media; but two people close to Prime Minister Antonis Samaras
told Al Jazeera that Vaxevanis’ arrest was a solely judicial initiative the
premier’s office had nothing to do with. “They botched it,” one source
said.
Samaras has tried to deliver on a promise of transparency
with actions. In late September, he ordered the financial crimes squad to
deliver dossiers on thirty politicians to the Supreme Court prosecutor for
judicial action. Eight of those politicians are currently serving members of
parliament for his conservative New Democracy party.
But the lack of any apparent investigation into the estates
of wealthy Greeks on the Lagarde List has recently fuelled speculation that the
government simply lacks the political will to bring the rich and powerful to
account.
Vaxevanis’ defence team believes that publication of the
list, which includes few politicians’ names, absolves them and relieves them of
unhealthy speculation.
“The worst thing any
leadership may have is to be constantly questioned as to its legitimacy,” said
defence attorney Haris Ikonomopoulos. “What we want is to clear the air and get
back to the issues. And the issues are three: Justice, effective governance and
hope.”
Greeks’ sense of all three has been hammered during the
crisis, as they have seen the poor and middle class suffer repeated salary and pension
cuts. Prime Minister Antonis Samaras told Angela Merkel that Greeks had lost a
third of their living standards since 2008.
The prosecutor accused Vaxevanis of tapping into popular
anger to sell magazines. “Because society is baying for blood, Vaxevanis delivered
it, turning the country into a Colosseum, without caring about whether these
people are innocent. He said ‘crucify them.’ And I ask, is anthropophagy, is
cannibalism, is throwing people onto the pyre, a solution to the country’s
problems?”
Vaxevanis, who had been careful not to publish sensitive
information such as bank balances alongside the names, said the real issue were
not in the finer points of privacy law. It was that successive governments have
missed an opportunity to rein in potential billions in lost tax revenues.
Opposition lawmaker Zoi Konstantopoulou revealed just how
shockingly evasive authorities have been. As a member of parliament’s
Institutions and Transparency Committee, she has in the past fortnight deposed
two former finance ministers and three former heads of the financial crimes
squad, whose job it is to go after tax evaders.
“Not the slightest action had been taken to further the
interests of the Greek state and people,” she told the court. “[Former finance
minister Yiorgos] Papakonstantinou said he handed the original CD to his staff
for safekeeping, but now doesn’t know its whereabouts.” She was even pithier
about his successor, current socialist party leader and coalition member
Evangelos Venizelos. “He says he only ever received printed pages, and doesn’t
know where they are. ‘They were lost, or thrown away. I don’t know,’ he said.”
Venizelos did finally give an electronic copy of the
spreadsheet to Samaras, who in turn passed it on to current financial crimes squad
head Stelios Stasinopoulos. “Stasinopoulos says he never opened it,” testified
Konstantopoulou. “He locked it in his office and gave a copy to the financial
prosecutor.”
The two former heads of the financial crimes squad say they
were never officially asked to investigate the list, which meant that they
could not register it as an official state document. Thus the list remains in
limbo, since even during the trial the prosecutor did not ask for a copy of the
full data in Vaxevanis’ possession.
Vaxevanis offered an explanation as to why authorities have
been so loath to prosecute the list. “Greece is being governed by a closed
group of interests… comprising businesspeople, politicians and a few
journalists,” he said. “The Lagarde List is a document that proves what
everyone suspects – that a powerful elite… enjoys the privilege that no one
dares move against them.”
Vaxevanis blames that elite for covering up his arrest. “I
want to thank Al Jazeera and the international media who put the story in its
real context, saying that this is a question of democracy and freedom of speech
in Greece, and created the conditions for coverage within the country,”
Vaxevanis said after his acquittal.
Most of Greece’s national newspapers and television networks
are owned by an oligarchy of powerful shipping, construction and petroleum
refining interests. Vaxevanis’ arrest last Sunday went practically unnoticed by
the Greek media. “The Greek networks knew nothing, and found out what was going
on from the international media, just like in the time of the dictatorship.”
Greece emerged from a seven-year military dictatorship in
1974, during which the media were censored and politicians tried to disseminate
their message through foreign correspondents.
There are signs that the publication of the list may already
have stirred the government to action. Earlier in the week, the government
announced it was mailing 15,000 taxpayers with Swiss bank accounts a
supplementary tax declaration, telling them that their savings abroad were
inconsistent with their earnings at home. The group was only part of a list of
54,000 under investigation, it said.
If the government can demonstrate earnings from wealthy tax
evaders, that may go a long way towards restoring confidence in institutions. Popular
feeling has been overwhelmingly on Vaxevanis’ side. As a pensioner put it
outside the court house, “Why are they haranguing the poor chap? He committed
no crime. I read the list in the paper. He only told the truth.”
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.