ON SEPTEMBER 8 and 9, Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis inaugurates the
beginning of the new political and economic year with addresses to the
Thessaloniki International Fair. This year's presentation will be politically
charged. Local government elections follow a month after the Fair. The prime
minister will use that weathervane to help him decide whether to hold early
general elections next year. Thessaloniki, therefore, can be seen as marking
the beginning of a lengthy campaign season.
The government has been working hard to shore up the local element of the
prime minister's visit. Manolis Kefoloyannis, minister of the merchant marine,
announced last week that he would sign off on a 90 million euro expansion of
Thessaloniki's container pier as part of a grand scheme to create the Balkans'
commercial hub. The development ministry has tabled a bill formally creating an
Innovation Zone near Thessaloniki, where EU grants and private venture capital
can meet technological talent to create startups. Karamanlis will probably
repeat commitments to build the Thessaloniki Metro and a subterranean
high-speed road under the city centre. Perhaps most important of all, a visit
to Athens by Russian President Vladimir Putin a few days before the Fair is
expected to give a final and unequivocal green light to the 13-year-old project
to build a crude oil pipeline from the Black Sea to Alexandroupoli (see
analysis on page 20). Greece's share in the pipeline would bring revenues of up
to $35 million a year.
All these announcements will be important in alleviating anger over the
government's failure to contain summer wildfires in Halkidiki. New Democracy's
losing of one of the three top municipalities - Athens, Piraeus and
Thessaloniki, the country's second most populous - is all socialist leader
George Papandreou needs to rebound from a slump of electoral losses in 2004.
The actual loss of a few town halls across the country could then be dismissed
by the ruling party.
But the Fair is always about the national economy as well. Here, the prime
minister can boast a healthy rate of growth - 3.7 percent last year, and 4.5
percent for the first two quarters. Finance Minister George Alogoskoufis
considers that growth responsible for a slight fall in unemployment, from 11.3
percent to 9.7 percent by the government's reckoning, over two years. The
premier could also stress a drop in the national debt, from 6.9 percent of GDP
to 4.5 percent last year, keeping Greece more or less on track to hit its 3
percent target at the end of this year.
But macroeconomic indicators are rather dull to democratic ears. What
people really want to hear about is the price of beans in the Laiki, and
whether they can buy more of them for the same amount of change this week.
Karamanlis is following up on his ten percent tax cut for corporations. Next
year he will raise the tax-free threshold for individuals to 12,000 euros,
begin to phase in a 5 percent tax cut, and give pensions a slight boost.
He can do these things partly because his tax revenues are improving. They
rose 11.5 percent last year, to 11.6 billion euros, partly due to annual wage
agreements. But next year the budget will begin to experience the effects of
the tax cuts. By 2009, the state will lose almost a third of company tax
earnings - about 1.5 billion euros - and many of the country's 8.5 million
individual taxpayers. The rising threshold of untaxed income means that 5.5
million are already exempt. That will now rise, and for the remaining taxpayers
rates will fall, from 30 to 25 percent.
All of that is good news for taxpayers, particularly salaried employees.
What is more troubling is how the government will afford this generosity. It
has already been forced to pay for an unforeseen revenue slump last year -
probably due to tax evasion - by raising VAT by a percentage point. That
penalised the lowest earners because VAT is levied on retail goods bought by
rich and poor alike.
There is one major remaining source of revenue - fuel tax - but touching
that is unthinkable with oil hovering around $70 dollars a barrel and many
Greeks asking for a fuel rebate. Increased borrowing is equally not an option
under Stability Pact rules and Greece on probation.
The gamble of this economic policy, therefore, is
that it will heat up economic growth enough to make the budget solvent. That is
a perfectly legitimate goal, as long as two things are observed. The first is
to spread the benefits outside Athens. The Greek countryside suffers from poor
job opportunities and poor transport, schools and hospitals. If GDP growth
continues to be disproportionately centred on the capital, then the government
will not really be running a country but a megacity with poor suburbs. The
second requirement is that opening the marketplace and lowering the financial
and administrative cost of doing business, both of which Greece needs, should
not lead to social and environmental neglect. If, as he stands on his podium in
Thessaloniki, Karamanlis can make a case that his policies will favour capital
and labour in the right proportion, and that he will also protect the
environment, he will continue to win over the Greeks.
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