Anna Diamantopoulou, Pasok shadow development
minister, speaks to theAthens News
ANNA
Diamantopoulou is a politician with a rare opportunity to see the economy from
both its cooperative and its competitive sides. As European commissioner for
employment and social affairs she focused on gender equality in the workplace
and the problems of unemployment. She quit that job to run in the March 2004
general election. Now, as socialist deputy and shadow development minister, she
must look at the economy from a business perspective.
We met over
coffee and cakes to discuss the ponderous social and economic reforms the
conservative government is undertaking - reforms many blame the socialists for
leaving undone in their last term in office.
Discussing
policy is difficult for the socialist party - not just with journalists, but
within the party itself. Pasok is riven by a fierce internal debate between
reformists and traditional tax-and-spend socialists, which stymied reform
efforts of prime minister Costas Simitis in 2000-2004, but "the former
group is now definitely in the majority," Diamantopoulou says. We should
even start to see the party begin to roll out a policy platform as the year
wears on, she adds.
Still, the
way her gaze drops to the tablecloth and her lips purse at the mention of
Pasok's lack of a united front makes one wonder how confident she is in this
prediction.
In the eyes
of some, Pasok has even been hurt by the opposition friendly press since losing
the last election. Newspapers sympathetic to the party have often outdone its
soft-spoken president, George Papandreou, in criticism of the government.
Diamantopoulou
deftly dismisses this as "the concerns of a newspaper editor with
tomorrow's headline, rather than the concerns of a partly leader with the long
term."
Diamantopoulou
is a good spokesperson for Pasok for reasons substantive and aesthetic. She won
a reputation in Brussels as a hard worker who both drove and inspired her staff
to work hard by her side. She looks good at 46, one of very few women in Greek
politics to have attained such high office so young - in fact one of very few
politicians of either sex to have retained their figure. As we speak, her jet-black
hair flies in a perfect oval around her curiously straight temples, which drop
sheer to her jaw giving her an austere look. But Diamantopoulou also knows how
to charm. Her smile flashes from out of nowhere in our banter, and when the
subject turns to policy again disappears as fast as it came.
In the world
of her ideas, the defence of socialist ideals stands supreme in an age when
socialism has become indistinguishable from capitalism. Her efforts to redefine
ideology are sometimes visible.
I put it to
her that we cannot really afford not to ask Europeans to work until 66 or even
67, if that would save the world's most generous social security system from
collapse.
"The
problems of social security cannot be solved simply by working longer,"
she says. "You need parallel reforms in other areas such as labour policy,
education policy. I remind you that the people who face the biggest difficulty
finding work are the over-fifties. Can a 62-year-old shop assistant find work?
Can a 58-year-old builder find work? These people aren't troubled by when they
will retire, but by how they will manage to work continuously up until
retirement."
Diamantopoulou
is a socialist in the reformist mould, so she does not reject the need for
change; but again and again she calls attention to its detail.
'Threshold of rights'
Banking is a
case in point. The conservative government recently gave three state-controlled
banks tacit agreement to join Greece's three biggest private banks in rejecting
sectoral wage agreements with the umbrella union, OTOE. Diamantopoulou accepts
that certain bank employees are among Greece's most privileged in terms of pay
and benefits, but splits the issue between rights and privileges.
"In a
wage agreement you can come across privileges, and we certainly cannot support
the privileges of some workers over others, particularly in an age of
inequality and high unemployment," she says. But she also puts her foot
down on the need for "a threshold of rights".
The danger
is that "smaller companies with no unions can make individual agreements
with workers, lowering the bar of minimum rights, thus developing a new form of
competition among companies, even banks, on the basis of labour."
Diamantopoulou
seems armed with a sound-bite length answer to almost any question. But she
betrayed signs of a struggle when it came to education.
The
government recently appointed the chairman of its new assessment committee,
which is to oversee a new and more objective quality assessment of public
universities by the end of 2008. It is also planning to abolish the state
monopoly on higher education and allow charitable trusts to create recognised
colleges.
"Someone
could get a very expensive degree that is beyond someone else's reach,"
says Diamantopoulou, who won both her degrees - in civil engineering and
regional development - from Greek state universities. I pointed out how alien
this view sounds in the United States, where public and private universities
coexist.
"We
should look at, say, Harvard, and see how a poorer student can get a
scholarship or a student loan. A university should allow a student who does not
come from a privileged background to have access. We need equal opportunities
in education and life," she says passionately. "Tell him that he can
either study for free because his father does not declare high income, or that
he can pay off his student loan at age 50. Then students can go into life on an
equal footing."
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